Briefs

Ethiopia’s economy is dominated by agriculture, contributing 45% to 50% of gross domestic product (GDP) and employing 70% of the active workforce. Most farming remains characterized by smallholder plots, with rainfed systems predominating, yet increasingly vulnerable because of uncertain rainfall and temperature patterns. In addition, due to a complex of factors, farmland frequently suffers from the depletion of soil nutrients. As a result of too few new jobs and the rapidly expanding economically active population, about two million more people are added annually to the labor market. As a result, there is considerable international migration to the Gulf States, South Africa, Europe and North America. Internal rural-to-urban migration is also common, mainly to major cities and towns, especially to Addis Ababa and other major centers in south and southwest Ethiopia.

The AGRUMIG project was a comparative analysis of experiences from Europe, Asia and Africa, and explored the impact of migration on the trajectory of agricultural change in rural areas. This brief reviews the findings of our seven-country study. The research focused on 19 remittance-dependent communities in seven countries: China, Ethiopia, Moldova, Nepal, Kyrgyzstan, Morocco and Thailand.

Nepal’s labor migration history dates back to the colonial period in India when Nepali youths were recruited in the army of the East India Company in the early 19th century, and even prior to this period, Nepali men served in the army of Shikh ruler Ranjit Singh in Punjab (included territories of present-day India and Pakistan). This was followed by seasonal and longer-term labor migration to India. In the last 30 years, migration has reached exceptionally high levels, with the new generation of labor migrants heading to the Gulf States and Malaysia, as well as other destinations such as South Korea, Japan, Poland and Romania. The 1981 Nepali census classified over 400,000 household members as ‘absentees’ (those who were away or intend to be away from home for six or more months) and this increased to about 2.2 million by 2021. The destination of migrants over these years changed considerably. While in 1980, an overwhelming majority (93%) went to India, from the 1990s onwards, this shifted to the Arabian Gulf States and Malaysia, which accounted for over 90% of migrants by the 2010s, with fewer than 10% continuing to travel to India.

In the year 2021/22 alone, over 100,000 labor permits were issued to migrant workers from Madhesh Province for employment primarily in countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and Malaysia. Saudi Arabia and Qatar received the largest number of Nepali migrants from Madhesh Province with 37,822 and 36,358, respectively, in 2021/22. This brief presents key points raised and discussed at a workshop organized in Janakpur, the capital of Madhesh Province of Nepal, on July 12, 2022, on agricultural and rural changes in the context of this high rate of international labor migration from the province. The workshop provided a unique opportunity to bring together farmers, returnee migrants, academics and relevant representatives from the provincial government to generate a dialogue around the divergent outcomes of migrant labor for rural communities, and the barriers and opportunities to harness remittances to support rural development.

The Malabo Declaration on accelerated agricultural growth and transformation for shared prosperity and improved livelihoods is a set of goals that were adopted by Heads of State and Government of the African Union in 2014 in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea (AUC 2014). To translate the seven Malabo commitments into results, a call for action was made by the Heads of State and Governments, by calling upon the AU Commission and the NEPAD Planning and Coordinating Agency, in collaboration with partners, to initiate a review process to be conducted on a biennial basis starting 2017, with an objective of tracking, measuring, and reporting progress towards achieving the Malabo Declaration commitments by 2025. Three Biennial Reviews (BR) have been conducted—the inaugural BR in 2017, the second BR in 2019, and the third and most recent BR in 2021. This brief draws on the third BR report to summarize Botswana’s performance in pursuit of the seven Malabo Declaration commitments across the three BR cycles, highlights challenges and lessons from the third BR, and outlines policy and programmatic measures required for the country to meet the Malabo targets by 2025. The third BR reveals that Botswana is not on-track for achieving the Malabo Declaration commitments. However, the analysis notes an improvement in the country’s overall performance score since the second BR cycle. This progress from the second to the third BR indicates a turnaround from the decline the country registered between the first and second BR cycles. A key recommendation from the analysis is for the country to enhance its resilience to climate change by providing sufficient public funding. The country should also establish government budget lines to respond to spending needs on resilience-building initiatives.

The Malabo Declaration on accelerated agricultural growth and transformation for shared prosperity and improved livelihoods is a set of goals that were adopted by Heads of State and Government of the African Union in 2014 in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea (AUC 2014). To translate the seven Malabo commitments into results, a call for action was made by the Heads of State and Governments, by calling upon the AU Commission and the NEPAD Planning and Coordinating Agency, in collaboration with partners, to initiate a review process to be conducted on a biennial basis starting 2017, with an objective of tracking, measuring, and reporting progress towards achieving the Malabo Declaration commitments by 2025. Three Biennial Reviews (BR) have been conducted—the inaugural BR in 2017, the second BR in 2019, and the third and most recent BR in 2021. This brief draws on the third BR report to summarize the performance of Malawi in pursuit of the seven Malabo Declaration commitments across the three BR cycles, highlights challenges and lessons from the third BR, and outlines policy and programmatic measures required for the country to meet the Malabo Declaration commitment targets by 2025. The third BR shows that Malawi is currently off-track to meet its 2025 targets under the Malabo Declaration. This is a step back from the first BR, which showed Malawi on course to meet four of the seven Malabo commitments. However, even though off-track, the country is rated as progressing well toward achieving the Malabo targets. A key recommendation from the analysis is for Malawi to further open up to intra-regional trade by utilizing structured markets and adding value to its agricultural products. Fostering regional trade will increase incomes and reduce poverty.

The Malabo Declaration on accelerated agricultural growth and transformation for shared prosperity and improved livelihoods is a set of goals that were adopted by Heads of State and Government of the African Union in 2014 in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea (AUC 2014). To translate the seven Malabo commitments into results, a call for action was made by the Heads of State and Governments, by calling upon the AU Commission and the NEPAD Planning and Coordinating Agency, in collaboration with partners, to initiate a review process to be conducted on a biennial basis starting 2017, with an objective of tracking, measuring, and reporting progress towards achieving the Malabo Declaration commitments by 2025. Three Biennial Reviews (BR) have been conducted—the inaugural BR in 2017, the second BR in 2019, and the third and most recent BR in 2021. This brief draws on the third BR report to summarize Namibia’s performance of in pursuit of the seven Malabo Declaration commitments across the three BR cycles, highlights challenges and lessons from the third BR, and outlines policy and programmatic measures required the country to meet the Malabo Declaration commitment targets by 2025. The third BR indicated that overall, Namibia is not on track to achieve the Malabo Declaration commitments by 2025. Despite scoring above the performance benchmark in the inaugural BR, Namibia’s performance has been evaluated as inconsistent across the three BRs to date. A key recommendation of the report is for Namibia to strengthen public spending in the agricultural sector through targeted programs at the national level. Increased spending on agricultural research and development is required. Targeted programs on agricultural finance should be developed as they will improve the performance of the intertwined Malabo commitments on finance (2), hunger (3), poverty (4), and trade (5).

The Malabo Declaration on accelerated agricultural growth and transformation for shared prosperity and improved livelihoods is a set of goals that were adopted by Heads of State and Government of the African Union in 2014 in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea (AUC 2014). To translate the seven Malabo commitments into results, a call for action was made by the Heads of State and Governments, by calling upon the AU Commission and the NEPAD Planning and Coordinating Agency, in collaboration with partners, to initiate a review process to be conducted on a biennial basis starting 2017, with an objective of tracking, measuring, and reporting progress towards achieving the Malabo Declaration commitments by 2025. Three Biennial Reviews (BR) have been conducted—the inaugural BR in 2017, the second BR in 2019, and the third and most recent BR in 2021. Mozambique has participated in all three BRs, submitting a country report to the African Union in each BR cycle. This brief draws on the third BR report to summarize the performance of Mozambique in pursuit of the seven Malabo Declaration commitments, assessing the challenges faced and the lessons learned by the country, with policy and programmatic measures required for Mozambique to meet the Malabo Declaration commitment targets by 2025. The third BR indicates that Mozambique underperformed and is not on track to meet all the Malabo Declaration commitments by 2025. Despite exceeding the overall performance benchmark in the first BR, the country remained off-track with very little improvement between the second and the third BRs. One of the key recommendations of the analysis is for Mozambique should strengthen the resilience of its farmers, as the countryapos;s agricultural sector is particularly exposed to extreme weather events, which can wipe out anticipated harvests very quickly; appropriate mechanisms, such as agricultural insurance, should be made available to farmers.

Morocco is included in the African and Euro-Mediterranean mobility space. There has been internal and international migration for generations. Migration trajectories are complex and have varied during different phases of the country’s history. Traditional migrations have been movements of mainly internal pastoral populations and commercial exchanges and pilgrimages. More recent migrations are driven by the search for work and better living conditions. Emigration for work from the countryside to the cities and abroad is a result of integrating the country’s economy into global market chains initiated at the end of the 19th century by colonial companies exploiting agricultural land, forests, and mineral resources. Independence in 1956 was followed by an extension of the labor market, an increase in the intensity of migration from the countryside to and between the cities, and a widening of access by rural and urban households to modern consumer goods. International emigration from Morocco was stimulated in the 1960s by the European demand for labor and was a factor in policies for economic growth.

Universal access to affordable clean energy continues to be a challenge across the globe. Women’s and marginalised groups’ access to clean energy services and green technologies remains constrained by intersectional social factors and gender-blind policies. The recurrent failure of policies to consider differentiated gender and social inclusion needs is a significant obstacle to sustainable development. Underlining the concepts of energy poverty and energy justice, this Policy Brief identifies the key institutional and social constraints to addressing issues of gender equality and social inclusion (GESI) in energy policy in the South Asian region. Studying the case of Nepal, the brief makes recommendations on how to facilitate a gender- and socially inclusive energy transition. These include developing evidence-based gender policies and socially inclusive energy policies; fostering a government culture of intersectoral collaboration; and investing in a workforce able to address the technological challenges to achieving energy justice.

This brief focuses on international labor migration through a bilateral agreement and pre-departure training program in four major destination countries. Migration has been a common strategy for rural households to cope with fluctuations in agricultural production and prices, land pressure, and income diversification. Internal labor migration between rural and urban areas is most often for work in construction, manufacturing and services in industrial estate areas in cities including Bangkok, Chiang Mai, Phitsanulok, Khon Kaen, Nakhon Ratchasima, Ayutthaya, Chonburi, and Rayong. Many people leave Thailand to find work abroad, where there are better income and job prospects.

The purpose of this policy brief is to draw together key comparative lessons on different types of migration governance interventions in the AGRUMIG project research regions and examine how they support positive feedback loops between migration and agrarian and rural development. This exploration offers stories of success and omission. Moving beyond the elusive triple-win situation on the benefits of migration for destination and origin countries, migrants themselves and the highly politicized domain of the migration-development nexus, our point of departure is that there are vital prospects for augmenting the positive impacts of migration for societies globally. This brief focuses on how migration governance interventions are potentially useful in maximizing the gains between migration and agrarian development in the sending communities in China, Ethiopia, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Morocco, Nepal and Thailand.

The Malabo Declaration on accelerated agricultural growth and transformation for shared prosperity and improved livelihoods is a set of goals that were adopted by Heads of State and Government of the African Union in 2014 in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea (AUC 2014). To translate the seven Malabo commitments into results, a call for action was made by the Heads of State and Governments, by calling upon the AU Commission and the NEPAD Planning and Coordinating Agency, in collaboration with partners, to initiate a review process to be conducted on a biennial basis starting 2017, with an objective of tracking, measuring, and reporting progress towards achieving the Malabo Declaration commitments by 2025. Three Biennial Reviews (BR) have been conducted—the inaugural BR in 2017, the second BR in 2019, and the third and most recent BR in 2021. This brief draws on the third BR report to summarize the performance of Zambia in the third BR, in comparison with its performance in the previous BR cycles. The brief takes a look at challenges and lessons from the third BR, reviews policy, programmatic, and investment changes in Zambia resulting from the three BRs and concludes by highlighting the measures Zambia needs to take if it is to meet all seven Malabo commitments by 2025. While the country showed signs of improvement in four of the seven commitment areas between the second and third BR cycles, it is not on track to achieve them by 2025. A key recommendation from the analysis is for the government to increase resources to support known key drivers of agricultural growth—these include agricultural research and development, agricultural extension services, agricultural market information, irrigation for smallholder farmers, and feeder roads. All have great potential to stimulate agricultural growth.

The Malabo Declaration on accelerated agricultural growth and transformation for shared prosperity and improved livelihoods is a set of goals that were adopted by Heads of State and Government of the African Union in 2014 in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea (AUC 2014). To translate the seven Malabo commitments into results, a call for action was made by the Heads of State and Governments, by calling upon the AU Commission and the NEPAD Planning and Coordinating Agency, in collaboration with partners, to initiate a review process to be conducted on a biennial basis starting 2017, with an objective of tracking, measuring, and reporting progress towards achieving the Malabo Declaration commitments by 2025. Three Biennial Reviews (BR) have been conducted—the inaugural BR in 2017, the second BR in 2019, and the third and most recent BR in 2021. This brief draws on the third BR report to summarize the performance of South Africa in pursuit of the seven Malabo Declaration commitments and assesses the challenges faced and the lessons learned by the country. South Africa is considered not on track to achieve the Malabo commitments by 2025. Moreover, the overall performance score for South Africa has been relatively stagnant, if not declining, across the successive BRs, with the lowest performance registered in the second BR. A key recommendation from the analysis is for South Africa to improve on the overall CAADP process and the CAADP-based policy and institutional support system. The country fell short on most indicators relating to this commitment, including the CAADP process completion index; the existence and the quality of a multi-sector and multi-stakeholder coordination body; and having in place evidence-based policies, supportive institutions, and corresponding human resources required.

The Malabo Declaration on accelerated agricultural growth and transformation for shared prosperity and improved livelihoods is a set of goals that were adopted by Heads of State and Government of the African Union in 2014 in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea (AUC 2014). To translate the seven Malabo commitments into results, a call for action was made by the Heads of State and Governments, by calling upon the AU Commission and the NEPAD Planning and Coordinating Agency, in collaboration with partners, to initiate a review process to be conducted on a biennial basis starting 2017, with an objective of tracking, measuring, and reporting progress towards achieving the Malabo Declaration commitments by 2025. Three Biennial Reviews (BR) have been conducted—the inaugural BR in 2017, the second BR in 2019, and the third and most recent BR in 2021. This brief draws on the report for the third BR to summarize the performance of Madagascar in pursuit of the seven Malabo commitments and assesses the challenges faced and the lessons learned by the country across the three BRs. At the time of the third BR in 2021, Madagascar was not on-track to achieve any Malabo commitment by 2025. This represented a setback from the first and second BRs, which found Madagascar to be on track for achieving three and two commitments, respectively. A key recommendation from the analysis is for the government to increase the proportion of rural women that are economically empowered and successful in agriculture. The country should promote initiatives that facilitate participation by women in gainful and attractive agribusiness opportunities.

The Malabo Declaration on accelerated agricultural growth and transformation for shared prosperity and improved livelihoods is a set of goals that were adopted by Heads of State and Government of the African Union in 2014 in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea (AUC 2014). To translate the seven Malabo commitments into results, a call for action was made by the Heads of State and Governments, by calling upon the AU Commission and the NEPAD Planning and Coordinating Agency, in collaboration with partners, to initiate a review process to be conducted on a biennial basis starting 2017, with an objective of tracking, measuring, and reporting progress towards achieving the Malabo Declaration commitments by 2025. Three Biennial Reviews (BR) have been conducted—the inaugural BR in 2017, the second BR in 2019, and the third and most recent BR in 2021. This brief draws on the third BR report to summarize the performance of Lesotho in pursuit of the seven Malabo Declaration commitments. It assesses the challenges faced and the lessons learned by the country. For the third BR, the benchmark score, the minimum score for a country to be considered on track to achieve the Malabo Declaration commitments by 2025, was 7.28 (AUC 2021). Lesotho achieved an overall performance score of 3.98 in the third BR. This score, which is far below the benchmark, indicates that the country is not on track to meet the Malabo commitments by 2025. A key recommendation from the analysis is for the government to improve on the BR Process by putting in place inclusive institutionalized mechanisms for mutual accountability and peer review in the agricultural sector. The country should also improve its capacity for evidence-based planning, implementation, and monitoring and evaluation. To do so, Lesotho must increase funding to support increased data generation, management, analysis, and utilization in the agriculture sector.

The Malabo Declaration on accelerated agricultural growth and transformation for shared prosperity and improved livelihoods is a set of goals that were adopted by Heads of State and Government of the African Union in 2014 in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea (AUC 2014). To translate the seven Malabo commitments into results, a call for action was made by the Heads of State and Governments, by calling upon the AU Commission and the NEPAD Planning and Coordinating Agency, in collaboration with partners, to initiate a review process to be conducted on a biennial basis starting 2017, with an objective of tracking, measuring, and reporting progress towards achieving the Malabo Declaration commitments by 2025. Three Biennial Reviews (BR) have been conducted—the inaugural BR in 2017, the second BR in 2019, and the third and most recent BR in 2021. This brief draws on the third BR report to summarize the performance of Eswatini in pursuit of the seven Malabo Declaration commitments. It also reviews policy, programmatic, and investment changes in Eswatini induced by the 2017, 2019, and 2021 BR cycles, highlighting policy actions and programmatic measures Eswatini must take to meet its Malabo Declaration commitments by 2025. The third BR report shows that Eswatini is not on-track to achieve the Malabo commitments by 2025. This is a setback for the country because, in the first BR, the country’s overall score was above the minimum benchmark, indicating that the country then was on-track to achieve the Malabo targets. A key recommendation from the analysis is for the government to accelerate the development of the second-generation instrument-based NAIP and the monitoring and evaluation system for the investment plan. The country needs to improve its performance on the overall CAADP process and implement CAADP-based policy and institutional support plans, as deficiencies in this support led to lower scores on this Malabo commitment.

The Malabo Declaration on accelerated agricultural growth and transformation for shared prosperity and improved livelihoods is a set of goals that were adopted by Heads of State and Government of the African Union in 2014 in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea (AUC 2014). To translate the seven Malabo commitments into results, a call for action was made by the Heads of State and Governments, by calling upon the AU Commission and the NEPAD Planning and Coordinating Agency, in collaboration with partners, to initiate a review process to be conducted on a biennial basis starting 2017, with an objective of tracking, measuring, and reporting progress towards achieving the Malabo Declaration commitments by 2025. Three Biennial Reviews (BR) have been conducted—the inaugural BR in 2017, the second BR in 2019, and the third and most recent BR in 2021. This brief draws on the third BR report to summarize the performance of Comoros in pursuit of the seven Malabo Declaration commitments, assesses the challenges faced and the lessons learned by the country, and highlights policy actions and programmatic measures Comoros must take in order to meet its Malabo Declaration commitments by 2025. Overall, the third BR report shows that Comoros is not on track to achieve the Malabo commitments by 2025. The country still has quite a long way to go regarding putting in place policies to attract its youth into agricultural value chains and increasing spending for agriculture research and development as a share of GDP. Comoros needs to implement many of the recommendations emanating from the third BR to ensure progress across all seven Malabo commitments so they can be met by 2025. Another key recommendation from the analysis is for the country to increase total agricultural research spending as a share of agricultural GDP. Efforts to increase the adoption of improved technologies, both in the livestock and crops sectors, are needed for increased agricultural productivity and greater food availability to contribute to improved food security.

The Malabo Declaration on accelerated agricultural growth and transformation for shared prosperity and improved livelihoods is a set of goals that were adopted by Heads of State and Government of the African Union in 2014 in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea (AUC 2014). To translate the seven Malabo commitments into results, a call for action was made by the Heads of State and Governments, by calling upon the AU Commission and the NEPAD Planning and Coordinating Agency, in collaboration with partners, to initiate a review process to be conducted on a biennial basis starting 2017, with an objective of tracking, measuring, and reporting progress towards achieving the Malabo Declaration commitments by 2025. Three Biennial Reviews (BR) have been conducted—the inaugural BR in 2017, the second BR in 2019, and the third and most recent BR in 2021. This brief draws on the third BR report to summarize the performance of Angola toward meeting the Malabo Declaration commitments across the three BR cycles, highlights challenges and lessons from the third BR, and outlines policy and programmatic measures required for Angola to meet the Malabo Declaration commitment targets by 2025. The third BR indicates that Angola is not on track to achieve any of the Malabo Declaration commitments by 2025. Despite the improvements in performance between the first and second BRs, the overall scores for Angola for all three BR rounds were below the benchmark scores. A key recommendation from the analysis is for Angola to enhance public financial management to improve the quality of public agricultural expenditure and to promote planning of public investments in the agricultural sector, including donor-funded projects. This should be done in close partnership with key stakeholders in the agricultural sector, resulting in an increased allocation of public resources to the sector.

Economic crises take different forms and occur for various reasons, such as political conflicts and pandemics. What all these crises have in common is that they cause disruption to rural-urban food supply chains, resulting in food shortages for the urban poor, with the most direct impact being an increase in food prices. It is within this challenging context that we present empirical examples of the role of urban agriculture.

Many studies indicate that labor migration is the main economic survival strategy for all population groups in Kyrgyzstan, but especially young people. Migration affects rural schools in several ways. Young people are not interested in fully completing their secondary education, and after the 9th grade, many drop out of school and start looking for jobs. This problem is compounded by the shortage of school teachers in the country. According to the Ministry of Education and Science of the Kyrgyz Republic, teaching vacancies in subjects such as computer science, English, biology, chemistry, mathematics and physical education have not been filled for years in many schools. Recent university graduates are not interested in filling these vacancies as labor migration offers a more favorable way of entering the labor market. This migration of the working age population can, however, have a negative impact on left-behind children, worsening their academic performance. National Assessment of the Educational Achievements for grad school students (NOODU) data show that students’ performance at schools differs markedly between children whose parents are labour migrants outside of the country and their peers whose parents remain with them. The former often have the worst performances in schools. This is mostly because left behind children, mostly teens, have to fill the labour shortage in the household. The multidimensional impacts of labor mobility are therefore closely intertwined and reflected in problems felt within the school system (lack of teachers and poor academic performance of migrant children). This can cause long-term negative impacts on education. However, despite the scale of labor migration, very little has been done to understand how rural schools cope with these challenges. This policy brief aims to raise stakeholder awareness of the impact of labor migration on the institution of secondary education in rural communities with active migration outflows, and offers key recommendations for further actions and interventions.

Development trends in Kyrgyzstan include declining agricultural production, a steady increase in remittances to rural areas from labor migration and an increasing role for the non-agricultural sector in the rural economy. These trends suggest that labor migration is having a transformative effect, with significant opportunities for rural development, but also challenges ahead. Even though migration has a huge impact on the country’s economy (remittances account for some 30% of the country’s GDP), to date migration governance focuses mainly on the rights protection of migrants and does nothing about sending communities and rural development policy. The attractiveness of rural villages for return migration and the well-being of those left-behind should be a major focus for migration policy along with the inclusion of migration as cross-cutting issue in rural development policy at all levels.

This brief provides a summary of research and findings on the impacts of rapid rural electrification in Bangladesh on the informal water markets during the last decade and how these markets in turn have affected irrigation access among smallholder farmers. The note emphasizes the importance of energy sources in determining the nature of groundwater access in Bangladesh, where groundwater remains central to irrigated agriculture and food production.

The mitigation benefits of solar irrigation pumps (SIPs), when those SIPs replace diesel pumps, are well understood. What is not equally known are the adaptation co-benefits of SIPs. This brief evaluates the co-benefits of using SIPs instead of widely used diesel pumps for farmers in Bangladesh. It estimates the impact of access to SIP on household and crop levels outcomes for improving farmer livelihoods and food security. In doing so, it explores the potential pathways of these impacts.

As urbanization increases, meeting the challenges of urban food supply and food security requires coherent and holistic strategies. Attention too often focuses solely on best practices without addressing the required behavior change. This policy brief highlights the importance of minimizing food loss and waste, which accounts for some 30% of current global production, in order to link and achieve SDGs 2, 11 and 12. The strategy comprises four interrelated elements, namely adopting holistic and circular planning perspectives; facilitating urban and peri-urban farming; integrating innovative behavioral interventions; and providing enabling environments. The G20 has the capacity to act rapidly, without the need for major capital investment, thereby also providing leadership to the entire international community.

Rapid climate change is causing weather extremes in every region of the world. The global water cycle is now experiencing a structural change not seen since the last Ice Age, leaving human systems struggling to adapt and respond. Some events will have noticeable consequences in the short term, such as increased flooding from changing precipitation patterns. Others will be more long term, such as the desertification of cropland. All will have major implications for future human security. We can view climate security as climatic stressors that amplify existing risks in society and influence the security of humans, ecosystems, economies, infrastructure and societies. In that sense, climate security is directly connected to water security defined as the ability of a population to safeguard sustainable access to adequate quantities of acceptable quality water.

Kyrgyzstan is one of the most remittancedependent countries in the world.1 Remittance inflows to this low-income country have remained a key contributor to the country’s GDP over the past decade. Migration labor outflows continue to play a significant role in sustaining the Kyrgyz domestic economy. Due to the fact that Russia and the Central Asian region share a common history, cultural links, and lingua franca, the Russian market remains a popular destination for CA migrants.2 In 2019, almost 98% of Kyrgyz intra-family financial transfers came from the Russian Federation.3 However, the global coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic has severely affected remittance flows to low and middle-income countries (LMICs) generally, and remittancedependent economies such as Kyrgyzstan have found themselves deeply vulnerable during different international events, including the financial crisis of 2008 and the current pandemic. To become more resilient, the Kyrgyzstan economy needs thorough reform that can improve the domestic job market and create more effective economic incentives that can decrease dependence on remittances and migration labor outflows, particularly in rural Kyrgyzstan.

This brief analyzes selected policy and programmatic changes reported by countries across Africa resulting from the BRs and the agricultural JSRs. It is based on data and other information collected using an online questionnaire from the Directors of Agricultural Planning, or their representatives, from 14 countries—Angola, Burkina Faso, Chad, Ethiopia, Kenya, Malawi, Mali, Mozambique, Namibia, Rwanda, Senegal, Sierra Leone, and Zambia— and from representatives of two RECs, the East African Community and the Southern African Development Community. In addition, a review was conducted of the country BR briefs produced following the first BR of 2017 (AUC 2018) and the second of 2019 (AUC 2020) for several of these countries. The BR data reported by the countries was also analyzed.

This brief highlights South Africa’s performance in the second BR and assesses challenges faced and lessons learned by the South Africa team during the review process. The brief also reviews policy and programmatic changes in South Africa that can be attributed to the first (2017) and second BRs. It concludes by highlighting required policy actions for South Africa to meet the Malabo commitments by 2025.

This brief highlights Zimbabwe’s performance in the second BR and assesses challenges faced and lessons learned by the country during the review process. The brief also reviews policy and programmatic changes in Zimbabwe that can be attributed to the first (2017) and second BRs. It concludes by highlighting required policy actions for Zimbabwe to meet the Malabo Commitments by 2025.

This brief highlights Namibia’s performance in the second BR and assesses challenges faced and lessons learned by the country during the review process. The brief also reviews policy and programmatic changes in Namibia that can be attributed to the first (2017) and second BRs. It concludes by highlighting required policy actions for Namibia to meet the Malabo Commitments by 2025.

This brief highlights Madagascar’s performance in the second BR and assesses challenges faced and lessons learned by the country during the review process. The brief also reviews policy and programmatic changes in Madagascar that can be attributed to the first (2017) and second BRs. It concludes by highlighting required policy actions for Madagascar to meet the Malabo Commitments by 2025.

This brief highlights Angola’s performance in the second BR and assesses challenges faced and lessons learned by the country during the review process. The brief also reviews policy and programmatic changes in Angola that can be attributed to the first (2017) and second BRs. It concludes by highlighting required policy actions for Angola to meet the Malabo Commitments by 2025.

Data exchange in transboundary waters is fundamental to advance cooperation in water management. Nonetheless, the degree to which data are actually shared is falling short of basin-level and international targets. A global assessment revealed that a reasonable proportion of river basins exchange some data, but the breadth of such exchange is often limited and not regular. More in-depth examination of African basins nonetheless suggests that a real need for, and use of, water data appears to motivate exchange. Indeed, evidence suggests that data exchange needs which are more directly felt enhance exchange, e.g., the direct need to minimize flood impacts or manage transboundary infrastructure. As such, data sharing is much more likely to be considered as being successful if it responds to a palpable need and serves practical uses. Also, in developing data exchange programs, it may be prudent to adopt a focused and sequential approach to data exchange that starts with a short-list of most needed parameters.

Governments in sub-Saharan Africa promote the expansion of irrigation to improve food security, primarily through the adoption and use of groundwater-based smallholder private irrigation. Using the case of Ethiopia, we examine farmers’ willingness to adopt smallholder private irrigation packages in response to subsidies on pump prices, loan availability and reduction in ambiguities related to borehole drilling. The results of the research highlight that subsidizing pump prices may not be the best use of public funds to expand irrigation. Instead, decreasing ambiguities around borehole drilling is likely to play a significant role and is a cost-effective step toward expanding groundwater-based irrigation and increasing the adoption of pumps by small-scale farmers. The policy implication is that the government should help farmers minimize the uncertainties and cost of unsuccessful drilling. This will require the government to study groundwater hydrogeology, use information on groundwater depth, seasonality and recharge to drill boreholes, and absorb the costs of unsuccessful drilling.

This brief highlights Lesotho’s performance in the second BR and assesses challenges faced and lessons learned by Lesotho during the review. The brief also reviews policy and programmatic changes in Lesotho that can be attributed to the first (2017) and second BRs. It concludes by highlighting required policy actions for Lesotho to implement to meet the Malabo commitments by 2025.

This brief highlights Mauritius’ performance in the second BR and assesses challenges faced and lessons learned by the Mauritius during the review. The brief also reviews policy and programmatic changes in Mauritius which can be attributed to the first (2017) and second BRs and concludes by highlighting required policy actions for Mauritius to meet the Malabo commitments by 2025.

This brief highlights Mozambique’s performance in the second BR and assesses challenges faced and lessons learned by the country during the review. The brief also reviews policy and programmatic changes in Mozambique that can be attributed to the first (2017) and second BRs. It concludes by highlighting required policy actions for Mozambique to implement to meet the Malabo Commitments by 2025.

This brief highlights Botswana’s performance in the second BR and assesses challenges faced and lessons learned by the country during the review. The brief also reviews policy and programmatic changes in Botswana which can be attributed to the first (2017) and second BRs and concludes by highlighting required policy actions for Botswana to meet the Malabo commitments by 2025.

This brief highlights Eswatini’s performance in the second BR and assesses challenges faced and lessons learned by the country during the review process. The brief also reviews policy and programmatic changes in Eswatini that can be attributed to the first (2017) and second BRs. It concludes by highlighting required policy actions for Eswatini to implement to meet the Malabo Commitments by 2025.

This brief highlights the SADC region’s performance in the second BR and analyzes challenges faced and lessons learned by the region. The brief also reviews policy and programmatic changes in the SADC region induced by lessons from the inaugural 2017 and concludes by highlighting required policy actions for SADC to meet Malabo commitments by 2025.

Access to sufficient and clean freshwater is essential for all life. Water is also essential for food system functioning: as a key input into food production, but also in processing and preparation, and as a food itself. Water scarcity and pollution are growing, affecting poorer populations, particularly food producers. Malnutrition levels are also on the rise, and this is closely linked to water scarcity. Achievement of Sustainable Development Goal 2 (SDG 2) and Sustainable Development Goal 6 (SDG 6) are co-dependent. Solutions to jointly improve food systems and water security outcomes that the United Nations Food Security Summit (UNFSS) should consider include: 1) Strengthening efforts to retain water-based ecosystems and their functions; 2) Improving agricultural water management for better diets for all; 3) Reducing water and food losses beyond the farmgate; 4) Coordinating water with nutrition and health interventions; 5) Increasing the environmental sustainability of food systems; 6) Explicitly addressing social inequities in water-nutrition linkages; and 7) Improving data quality and monitoring for water-food system linkages, drawing on innovations in information and communications technology (ICT).

The Barind region, a water-stressed area in northwest Bangladesh, had an underdeveloped agricultural economy and high levels of poverty until two projects revitalized the area with enhanced groundwater irrigation. The Barind Integrated Area Development Project in 1985 and Barind Multipurpose Development Authority (BMDA) in 1992 used new water extraction technology and innovative management practices such as deep tubewells (DTWs) fitted with smart card–operated electric pumps to develop drought-resilient irrigation. Both projects have helped the Barind region reduce poverty and achieve self-sufficiency in rice. However, there are concerns about declining groundwater levels in the Barind and nearby regions, resulting in a temporary halt in DTW expansion. Preliminary evidence presented in this case study suggests farmers served by shallow tubewells (STWs) may be losing access to groundwater in some parts of the Barind region, which can have significant development implications because these tubewells remain the predominant source of irrigation. This evidence provides grounds to question whether an irrigation model reliant on DTWs is sustainable and equitable in the long term. Further research is needed to better establish groundwater conditions and understand the risk to STW users to inform future policy on DTW-driven agricultural development.

Solar-powered irrigation pumps (SPIPs) have been promoted in the Eastern Gangetic Plains (EGP) in recent decades, but rates of adoption are low. This case study assesses the evidence from several solar pump business models being adopted in parts of the EGP, particularly eastern Nepal and northern India, and explores how different models perform in various contexts. It documents lessons for increasing farmers’ resilience to droughts through better groundwater use by promotion of SPIPs. Groundwater access for agriculture in the past was dependent on diesel and electric pumps, respectively constrained by costs and reliability of energy. Both government and nongovernment agencies have promoted SPIPs in the Ganges basin for irrigation and drinking purposes. SPIPs receive different levels of subsidies across countries and states in the region to facilitate adoption and ensure continuous and timely irrigation, which particularly benefits small and marginal farmers. Because the EGP faces variability in water availability, the SPIPs could help in building drought resilience. However, because low operating costs for SPIPs does little to incentivize farmers to use water efficiently, one critical question is how to balance equitable access to SPIPs while ensuring groundwater overdraft is not perpetuated. Farmers’ awareness of efficient water management options is crucial to avoid overextraction of groundwater.

Interventions that are robust, cost effective, and scalable are in critical demand throughout South Asia to offset growing water scarcity and avert increasingly frequent water-related disasters. This case study presents two complementary forms of intervention that transform water hazards (floodwater) into a resource (groundwater) to boost agricultural productivity and enhance livelihoods. The first intervention, holiya, is simple and operated by individual farmers at the plot/farm scale to control local flooding in semiarid climates. The second is the underground transfer of floods for irrigation (UTFI) and operates at the village scale to offset seasonal floods from upstream in humid climates. Rapid assessments indicate that holiyas have been established at more than 300 sites across two districts in North Gujarat since the 1990s, extending the crop growing season and improving water quality. UTFI knowledge and experience has grown rapidly since implementation of a pilot trial in western Uttar Pradesh in 2015 and is now embedded within government programs with commitments for modest scaling up. Both approaches can help farmers redress the multiple impacts associated with floods, droughts, and groundwater overexploitation at a range of scales from farm plot to the river basin. The potential for wider uptake across South Asia depends on setting up demonstration sites beyond India and overcoming gaps in technical knowledge and institutional capacity.

This brief assesses the current state of migration-related policies in Ethiopia, and provides some early recommendations and policy pointers based on work carried out under the AGRUMIG project. In Ethiopia, the scale of migration and its impacts on rural and urban transformations are underestimated and probably increasing. There is a lack of a coherent national migration policy in the country, which is a potential development hindrance. Establishing a national migration policy and improving bilateral arrangements with receiving countries could help Ethiopia reap greater positive impacts from migration and remittance income, including assisting in crucial processes of social transformation in rural areas.

Indian agricultural communities are facing a crisis driven by, among other things, skewed terms of trade and farmers’ inability to deal with increasingly adverse climatic conditions. Because agriculture continues to be the primary source of livelihood for most of India’s population, governments at all levels are under pressure to find ways to help farmers. In western and peninsular India, where droughts are common, several state governments have vowed to make farming “drought-proof” through ambitious flagship programs. This case study reviews the experience of four such programs in Gujarat, Maharashtra, Telangana, and Rajasthan. Although the programs differ in approach, implementation style, and duration, all of them aim to shield farmers, particularly smallholders, from the misery imposed by droughts. Among these states, efforts in Gujarat appear to be the most mature; however, concerns regarding sustaining momentum, capacity building of communities, demand management, and establishing functional local governance remain. We use evidence gathered through field studies to draw lessons for designing effective drought-mitigation strategies through improved management of groundwater resources.

To ensure that the Biannual Review (BR) process embodies the CAADP/Malabo principles, particularly focusing on Commitment 7 (enhancing mutual accountability for actions and results) of the Malabo Declaration, the African Union Commission (AUC) launched the Inaugural Biennial Review reporting mechanism on the implementation of the Malabo commitments. In line with the above continental commitment on mutual accountability, Zambia implemented the BR process to track progress in the implementation of the CAADP agenda, particularly the 2014 Malabo commitments. The process provided a platform for stakeholders in the agriculture sector (the public sector, private sector, development partners, civil society organizations, academia, and research institutions) to hold each other mutually accountable on both financial and nonfinancial commitments they made toward common development goals for the agriculture sector. The BR process also helped provide a platform for agriculture sector stakeholders to learn from each other (peer learning). The Biennial Review Report (BRR) fosters alignment, harmonization, and coordination among multisectoral efforts and multi-institutional platforms for peer review, mutual learning, and accountability. The objective of this brief is to analyze Zambiaapos;s performance and discuss lessons from the implementation of the inaugural CAADP BR mechanism.

The main objective of this BR brief is to summarize the performance, key issues, and recommendations for improving progress toward agricultural transformation in Zimbabwe. This brief provides recommendations and action items based on Zimbabwe’s performance in the inaugural BR mechanism to help the country improve its domestication and implementation of the Malabo Declaration commitments. In addition, recommendations are shared to help the country strengthen mutual accountability to actions and results, ultimately contributing to improving the country’s progress towards achieving the Malabo targets by 2025.

In line with the continental commitment on mutual accountability, Malawi implemented the BR process to track progress in the implementation of the CAADP agenda, particularly the 2014 Malabo commitments. The process provided a platform for stakeholders in the agriculture sector (the public sector, private sector, development partners, civil society organizations, academia, and research institutions) to hold each other mutually accountable on both the financial and nonfinancial commitments they made on common development goals for the agriculture sector. The BR process also helped provide a platform for agriculture sector stakeholders to learn from each other (peer learning). The objective of this brief is to present Malawi’s performance and discuss lessons from the implementation of the inaugural CAADP BR mechanism.

This BR brief shows that Lesotho was not on track to meet the Malabo Declaration targets for 2025. Three commitments were on track: recommitment to CAADP, boosting intra-Africa trade in agriculture, and mutual accountability for action and results, while the others were not on track. Lesotho was on track on 6 of the 43 indicators, highlighting the substantial efforts required to implement the commitments of the Malabo Declaration and national priorities in the agriculture sector. This brief summarizes the performance, key issues, and recommendations for Lesotho from the inaugural BR report to help improve and strengthen the country’s efforts to domesticate and implement the commitments of the Malabo Declaration within its own national agricultural investment plan and strategy.

The objective of this brief is to analyze Eswatini’s performance and discuss lessons from the implementation of the inaugural CAADP BR mechanism. Based on the results, recommendations are proposed for strengthening mutual accountability and performance of the agriculture sector in Eswatini. The analysis is based on results of the Africa Agriculture Transformation Scorecard (AATS) that was presented to African Heads of State and Government in January 2018. Additional information for the analysis came from technical notes in Eswatini’s BR report. Furthermore, experiences and lessons from continental and regional engagements in the implementation of the BR process were also integrated in the analysis.

Women play an increasingly greater role in agriculture. Ensuring that they have opportunities—equal to those of men—to participate in transforming agriculture is a prerequisite for sustainable intensification. Increased gender equity in agriculture is both a practical and a social justice issue: practical because women are responsible for much of the production by smallholders; and social justice because in many cases they currently do not have rights over land and water resources, nor full access to markets, and often they do not even control the crops they produce. Strategies to promote gender equity must be tailored carefully to the social and economic context.

The CGIAR Research Program on Water, Land and Ecosystems (WLE) has conducted innovative research in the upper watersheds of the Ganges, Mekong, Red and Nile river basins. WLE sought to identify how to improve people’s livelihoods in ways that are equitable, profitable and sustainable, while also improving ecosystem services locally and downstream. The research specifically examined the impact of interventions spanning several sectors, including water, food, energy and trade. This brief presents results, insights and tools that can be adopted and applied elsewhere. Escaping from the confines of narrow sectoral investments and adopting an integrated, ecosystems-focused approach can lead to more sustainable, profitable and equitable use and development of upper watershed landscapes.

The residents of the Ganges and Mekong River deltas face serious challenges from rising sea levels, saltwater intrusion, pollution from upstream sources, growing populations, and infrastructure that no longer works as planned. In both deltas, scientists working for nearly two decades with communities, local governments and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have demonstrated the potential to overcome these challenges and substantially improve people’s livelihoods. There are cost-effective solutions to improving the totality of ecosystem services and market opportunities for young women and men.

Farmer-led investments in agricultural land and water management (ALWM) are transforming livelihoods and food security across South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa. Potential exists for even greater benefits, for even more beneficiaries. Understanding what factors influence adoption and impact of ALWM interventions can help ensure sustainable, positive effects of future investments. WLE has designed a suite of tools and investment models to support policy makers and development agents to leverage and extend the investments farmers are already making.

Dams provide numerous economic benefits and can mitigate the adverse impacts of water variability and extreme climate events. However, such large-scale water infrastructure has also caused significant social and environmental costs, prompting calls for alternative, nature-based solutions. WLE suggests that collections of built and natural infrastructure, combined with participatory management approaches, can support water and food security, while enhancing livelihoods and environmental outcomes.

Healthy soils are essential for productive and resilient agricultural systems. They are also increasingly recognized as a means to mitigate climate change risks. While solutions for restoring degraded soils and landscapes do exist, improved knowledge and tools are needed to enhance their impacts over time and at scale. WLE has assessed the impacts of various land restoration initiatives and developed a range of tools to better tailor and target investments and interventions to local contexts.

Using groundwater for agricultural production has the potential to build resilience in food insecure regions of the world. Use of groundwater can boost agricultural production, improve rural incomes and strengthen farmers’ ability to withstand climate shocks and water variability. However, for groundwater to contribute to sustainable intensification of agriculture, it is essential to know where to invest in groundwater development and how to sustainably manage groundwater resources. WLE has identified potentially usable groundwater resources in Africa, supported important policy changes to enhance the sustainable use of groundwater in eastern India, and has developed maps and new tools that can be used to implement new policies supporting sustainable use of groundwater.

This paper considers the implications of rising prices of major food commodities in southern Africa. First, a global perspective on the phenomenon is provided, focusing on the key factors driving the upsurge in prices. Recent trends in food prices in a representative selection of southern African countries are then considered. Emerging evidence of poverty impacts is presented. The policy challenges and options facing the region’s governments are then discussed. Broad conclusions round out the analysis. The paper’s central argument is that appropriate policy responses to effects of rising food prices involve a mix of short-term social protection responses, long-term measures aimed at spurring agricultural productivity growth, and domestic and regionally conceived and implemented efforts to rationalize and strengthen the roles of public sectors in the region’s food economies.

Irrigated agriculture has contributed greatly to food security in Asia - and irrigation projects present new opportunities for reducing poverty. This requires that projects deliberately tilt towards the poor. Moreover, policymakers, implementers and managers need to adopt an integrated approach when using irrigation as a pro-poor intervention strategy. With the right institutional and technical conditions, an effective incentives structure and proper implementation and management practices, pro-poor irrigation projects can make a significant difference to poverty in the region.

A major drawback of India’s agriculture, watershed development and irrigation strategy has been the neglect of relatively wetter catchment areas and the tribal people living therein. Investing in small-scale interventions for improved water control can produce a dramatic impact on the productivity and dependability of tribal livelihood systems.

This Water Policy Briefing is based on the CA Research Report 4: Does International Cereal Trade Save Water? The Impact of Virtual Water Trade on Global Water Use (CA Research Report 4) by Charlotte de Fraiture, Ximing Cai, Upali Amarasinghe, Mark Rosegrant and David Molden; and on Investing in Water for Food, Ecosystems and Livelihoods (BLUE PAPER, Stockholm 2004, Discussion Draft) by David Molden and Charlotte de Fraiture; and on Is Virtual Water Trade a Solution for Water Scarce Countries? by Charlotte de Fraiture and David Molden, Bridges 2004.; By the year 2050 there will be an additional 3 billion people to feed. Food production may need to increase by 70-90 percent from levels in 2000 to meet this global food demand. Without improvements in the efficiency and productivity of agricultural water use, crop water consumption would have to grow by the same order of magnitude. A big challenge in water management is to grow sufficient food for a growing and more affluent population while meeting the many other demands on limited water resources—household needs, industrial requirements and environmental functions. Already, an estimated 20% of the global population lives in river basins that are characterized by physical water scarcity. International food trade can have significant impacts on national water demand. The term ‘virtual water’, first introduced by Allan (1998), refers to the volume of water used to produce traded crops. By importing food a country ‘saves’ the amount of water it would have required to produce it on its own soil. Thus, international food trade can have important mpacts on how and where water is used. Food trade reduces water use at two levels. At a national level, a country reduces water use by importing food rather than producing it. At a global level, trade reduces water use because, at present, production in exporting countries is more water efficient than in importing countries. Moreover, four of the five major grain exporters produce under highly productive rainfed conditions while importing countries would have relied more on irrigation. In fact, without cereal trade, global irrigation water demand would have been higher by 11%. Some researchers have suggested that international food trade can and should be used as an active policy instrument to mitigate local and regional water scarcity. They contend that, instead of striving for food self-sufficiency, water short countries should import food from water abundant countries. Indeed, food trade has a large potential to alleviate water scarcity, but in practice there are many reasons why this is unlikely to happen in the near future.

Developing countries like India are actively being encouraged to move from the traditional supply-side orientation towards proactive demand management under the broad framework of Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM). Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM) is a sound philosophy which is hard to disagree with. However, in developing countries, what usually gets passed-off in the name of IWRM at the operational level takes a rather narrow view of the philosophy and has largely tended to include a blue-print package including: [1] A national water policy; [2] A water law and regulatory framework; [3] Recognition of River Basin as the appropriate unit of water and land resources planning and management; [4] Treating water as an economic good; and [5] Participatory water resource management. Several of these mark a significant shift from current paradigms and making this transition is proving to be difficult. Drafting new water laws is easy; enforcing them is not. Renaming regional water departments as basin organizations is easy; but managing water resources at basin level is not. Declaring water an economic good is simple; but using price mechanisms to direct water to high-value uses is proving complex. As a consequence, the so-called IWRM initiatives in developing country contexts have proved to be ineffective at best and counterproductive at worst.

This Water Policy Briefing is based on Policies Drain the North China Plain: Agricultural Policy and Groundwater Depletion in Luancheng County, 1949 – 2000 (IWMI Research Report 71) by Eloise Kendy, David J. Molden, Tammo S. Steenhuis, Changming Liu and Jinxia Wang and on Hydronomic Zones for Developing Basin Water Conservation Strategies (IWMI Research Report 56) by David J. Molden, R. Sakthivadivel and Jack Keller. With growing populations, changing weather patterns, and increasing pollution of surface water bodies, countries across the world are relying more and more on finite groundwater reserves built up over centuries, for household, agricultural, and industrial needs. Although addressing water shortages in the short term, groundwater exploitation brings with it its own host of problems. It can cause salt water intrusion into fresh water aquifers and subsidenceof the land surface. Governments are quick to turn to improving water efficiency as the best solution to the problem, but are too often disappointed. Research is increasingly highlighting that in devising water management strategies to conserve water and halt the decline of groundwater levels, policymakers must conduct holistic studies of hydrologic systems to find appropriate solutions that will result in real water savings. What’s needed then is not a simple ‘one size fits all’ policy or solution, but varying management approaches to suit specific situations. The concept of hydronomic zones, which categorizes a hydrologic system into different zones—each having its own water-related issues—could be a useful tool in this exercise.

According to research done by the International Water Management Institute (IWMI), one-third of the world’s population will face absolute water scarcity by the year 2025. Among the worst hit will be regions in Asia, the Middle-East and Sub-Saharan Africa, home to some of the largest concentrations of rural poverty in the world. Policymakers, researchers, NGOs, and farmers are pursuing various technical, institutional and policy interventions to meet this challenge. Micro-irrigation technologies, commonly in use in water scarce areas of developed countries, constitute one such intervention with the ability to use water more efficiently in irrigated agriculture. These technologies can improve productivity; raise incomes through crop yields and outputs; and enhance food security of households. Numerous studies have established the gains from micro-irrigation adoption and several government and non-government organizations are engaged in actively promoting the technologies. In India, micro-irrigation technologies have been marketed for more than three decades. The main vehicle of government policies to promote micro-irrigation systems are product subsidies—in certain cases up to 90 percent. However, there has been a lukewarm response to such initiatives from farmers, especially smallholders. This can be attributed to several causes: lack of access to groundwater, lack of cash, crop specificity of the available micro-irrigation technologies, lack of know-how, poor product quality and absence of adequate credit facilities (Narayanamoorthy 1996). Studies show that despite active promotion, the appeal of these technologies has remained confined to “gentlemen farmers”—wealthier farmers who produce commercial crops (Shah and Keller 2002). Despite these constraints, in certain pockets of India, these technologies have become a popular choice among farmers. It is notable that, in some of these cases, the technologies have been adopted in the absence of government subsidies. However, IWMI’s work shows that in general special efforts are required to market cost appropriate technologies to the poor and smallholder farmers. Drip irrigation is often promoted for reasons that do not match with the farmers’ main concerns. While the government promotes drips as longterm investments for water saving and sustainable agriculture, the farmers look for more immediate and assured benefits, such as lower costs and increased incomes.

Recurring water crises, global water initiatives, and demands for water reforms by development banks, have all pushed water up the agenda of most Mekong-region countries. Many changes have already been made. Now decision makers need to know what has worked, what hasn’t, and why. To find out, IWMI has reviewed new water policies, plans and laws, and assessed participation, the new water ‘apex bodies’, and integrated water resources management (IWRM). The findings show that top-down state policies based on ‘blueprints’ are widely applied in a one-size-fits-all approach, without taking local realities into account. Water planning is still largely expert-driven, and focused on procedures and targets. There is little room for decision-making that is based on negotiations between users, line agencies, NGOs and politicians, for example. Although much mention is made of participation and IWRM, little is being done on the ground. To bridge these divides, better forms of governance are needed. And greater efforts need to be made to understand complex local situations—so that policymakers are better informed, and new policies are appropriate and workable. Key to this will be an understanding of what causes new policies to succeed or fail in different contexts.

This Water Policy Briefing is based on Working Wetlands: Classifying Wetland Potential for Agriculture by Matthew P. McCartney, Mutsa Masiyandima and Helen A. Houghton-Carr (IWMI Research Report 90); Wetlands: Functions and Values by Matthew P. McCartney; and Challenges for Wetlands: Water Management and Agriculture by Max Finlayson, Mutsa Masiyandima, David Molden and Rebecca Tharme. The trade-off between environmental protection and development is most acute in dynamic and complex ecosystems such as wetlands. Wetlands ‘work’ for society. They maintain environmental quality, sustain livelihoods and support biodiversity. However, socio-economic pressures mean that we are now pushing wetlands to work even harder, for example, by producing more crops or grazing more cattle. History shows that ‘over-working’ wetlands can cause them to change significantly—often with negative effects on the communities or even civilizations that depend on them. Safeguarding the benefits of wetland services for society must be weighed against the potential benefits of development. But making such decisions is difficult. Besides physical, economic and social factors, the impact of any changes on stakeholders at all levels—local, regional and global—must be considered for ‘wise use’ of wetlands. policymakers and planners need to ensure that they take the most comprehensive range of factors possible into account in any trade-off between wetland services and development choices. Fortunately, a simple sixstep approach to determine Working Wetland Potential is now available to help assess the opportunities and risks of changing a wetland’s workload (Fig. 1). This method, one of the first of its kind, combines both the social and biophysical aspects of wetlands into one index relevant to agricultural use. IWMI has applied the approach to proposed agricultural activities in wetlands in southern Africa—a region where development is essential and pressure on wetlands is increasing. The approach ensures that many crucial questions about using wetlands for agriculture are made explicit and, at least, considered in the planning process. It is a step forward in securing and improving people’s quality of life while, at the same time, safeguarding the ecological benefits derived from wetland ecosystems.

China and India face similar challenges in managing their irrigation economies. Both are developing nations with large agricultural populations, high population densities and a high proportion of agriculture under irrigation. Both are facing challenges in financing existing irrigation systems in the face of broader economic reforms. And in both countries, groundwater provides a particular challenge since it is a major source of irrigation, but with accelerating declines in both quantity and quality. Problems in financing surface irrigation systems, worries about continued groundwater table declines along with cost implications for both farmers and the energy industry, and a range of other issues have raised serious concerns over the future sustainability of irrigated systems and food security. As a result, there is now near unanimous agreement in both countries on the need to formulate practical strategies to manage the future of their irrigation economies. India and China are trying different paths when responding to their water problems and the management of public and private irrigation infrastructure. Yet, China’s experience with alternative institutional arrangements could provide useful direction to India’s equally complex surface and groundwater irrigation systems.

This briefing was produced by International Water Management Institute (IWMI), the IRC International Water and Sanitation Centre, the Technical Committee of the Global Water Partnership (GWP) and the GWP Advisory Center at IWMI. It draws primarily on research from the Multiple Use Systems (MUS) project and the Productive Uses of Water Thematic Group (Prodwat) (see references for further reading). The brief complements Catalyzing Change, the GWP handbook for developing IWRM and water efficiency strategies and plans, and the associated policy and technical briefs. Single-use approaches to water development and management do not reflect the realities of poor people’s water use. People use domestic water supplies for activities such as irrigating backyard gardens, keeping livestock, fishing, processing crops and running small-scale enterprises. In areas without adequate domestic water supply, they use irrigation water to meet household needs, such as drinking and bathing, as well as to support a range of incomegenerating activities in addition to crop production. A more integrated, multiple-use approach can maximize the health benefits and productive potential of available water supplies–leading to increased incomes, improved health and reduced workloads for women and children. Systems that cater to multiple uses are also more likely to be sustainable, because users benefit more from them, have a greater stake in them, and are more willing and better able to pay for them. policy-makers, planners, and project designers need to enable and support a multiple-use approach by developing the necessary policies, capacities, and institutions. Incorporating provision for multiple uses into plans for meeting the Millennium Development Goals, Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers, and IWRM and water efficiency plans and strategies is a start.

This Water Policy Briefing was produced by IWMI in partnership with the Global Water Partnership (GWP) Advisory Center at IWMI and the GWP Technical Committee. It is based on the book Wastewater Use in Irrigated Agriculture: Confronting the Livelihood and Environmental Realities, edited by C.A. Scott, N.I. Faruqui, and L.Raschid-Sally (CABI/IWMI/IDRC, 2004), and the revised WHO Guidelines for the Safe Use of Wastewater, Excreta and Greywater (2006, In Press). The brief complements Catalyzing Change, the GWP handbook for developing IWRM and water efficiency strategies and plans, and the associated policy and technical briefs. In developing countries, fast-growing urban populations are demanding more fresh water and food, while generating greater volumes of domestic wastewater. Due to the lack of comprehensive wastewater management, a major portion of the wastewater pollutes natural water bodies. These polluted sources are used in and around the cities for agriculture and other purposes. In drier climates, farmers often use the wastewater itself from drains and sewers because it is the only (reliable) source of water. Although municipalities increasingly recognize the importance of this sector in supplying cities, amongs other things with vitamin rich vegetables, they are also aware of the associated health risks through microbial crop contamination1, especially when it concerns food consumed uncooked. Among wastewater-related infections, diarrhoeal diseases are the top cause of death among children in the developing world. Fragmented attempts have been made to address this problem, by relying on technical solutions (wastewater treatment) or regulatory measures (such as banning wastewater irrigation or restricting the types of crops irrigated). Both approaches have failed in the context of low-income countries. What’s required is an integrated water resources management (IWRM) approach which looks at the whole urban water cycle and across the urban-rural continuum at environmental consequences downstream, as well as socio-economic benefits of resource recovery. This has to be combined with locally appropriate and sustainable risk reduction measures. It should also recognize that solutions require the active involvement of stakeholders from different sectors. This is a vital point in a sensitive and multi-sectoral issue like “peri-urban wastewater irrigation”, which commonly concerns different ministries and municipal departments.

This issue of Water Policy Briefing is based on research presented in When ‘Conservation’ Leads to Land Degradation: Lessons from Ban Lak Sip, Laos (IWMI Research Report 91) by Guillaume Lestrelin, Mark Giordano and Bounmy Keohavong. The research was carried out by the Managing Soil Erosion Consortium (MSEC)—a multi-country collaborative effort to better understand land degradation, and potential solutions, in upland areas of Southeast Asia. MSEC is coordinated by IWMI with substantial contributions from France’s Institute of Research for Development (IRD). MSEC’s primary partner in Laos is the Soil Survey and Land Classification Center. Around the world, intensive farming in fragile environments is taking its toll on natural resources. This has led to greater awareness of the need to use agricultural land sustainably—to maximize yields without compromising the health and productivity of the soil. Laos’ current rural-development and land-use policies were influenced in part by exactly such an environmental agenda. However, a recent study has shown that land degradation has actually increased in the village of Ban Lak Sip since these policies were put in place. The study used an innovative multi-scale approach to analyze local land degradation in relation to Laos’ broader socioeconomic and political environment. This showed that new policies had created an artificial shortage of land—forcing farmers to crop more intensively, and inadvertently causing more degradation. conventional forms of scientific analysis would have identified the change in farming patterns as the cause of degradation. But, importantly, they would not have pinpointed why the change occurred—information which is vital if ways of resolving the problem are to be found. So, because of the analytical approach used, the case of Ban Lak Sip provides a cautionary lesson in the formulation of environmental policy. Policymakers need to carefully consider the impacts that conservation efforts will have on people’s livelihood strategies, if they are to avoid forcing communities to take up practices that increase environmental degradation. To this end, any environmental policy that imposes restrictions, especially on people’s livelihood activities, will need to offer new opportunities too.

Policymakers and planners have tended to overlook artisanal fisheries—despite the fact that in rural areas, fisheries often contribute significantly to incomes and diets. An estimated 50 million people in developing countries derive income and food from inland fisheries. In locations as diverse as the Mekong, Amazon and Lake Chad basins, researchers found that rural households typically obtain 10 to 30 percent of their total income from inland fishing. And, particularly for poor households, fish is often the primary source of protein. Irrigation development and management can have direct and indirect impacts on fisheries. It can change flow patterns, size and connectivity of aquatic habitats, and water quality—affecting the productivity and diversity of fisheries. It can also change physical accessibility or rights of access to water bodies—affecting who is able to benefit from the resource. But, contrary to popular belief, fisheries can happily co-exist with irrigation systems - contributing to the overall productivity of systems and to livelihoods and food security of the surrounding communities. Recent research from Laos and Sri Lanka has shown that irrigation development can actually enhance fisheries production, with appropriate water management and policy support.

The full poverty-fighting potential of existing irrigation schemes is not being realized—largely because of inequitable water distribution and unsustainable land and water management practices. An integrated water resources management (IWRM) approach reveals opportunities to reduce poverty and improve overall agricultural productivity and sustainability in these systems. Research in India and Pakistan has highlighted one such opportunity—integrated management of surface water and groundwater—that has great potential for water-short systems with variable groundwater resources. By considering groundwater availability and quality when allocating surface water, water managers could improve the situation of millions of poor farmers with inadequate access to both surface water and groundwater and overall productivity in irrigated systems. The prevailing fragmented approach—where groundwater and surface water are managed separately—has contributed to high vulnerability and low agricultural productivity for farmers in the tail ends of canals and to land salinization in areas with poor quality groundwater.

The full poverty-fighting potential of existing irrigation schemes is not being realized—largely because of inequitable water distribution and unsustainable land and water management practices. An integrated water resources management (IWRM) approach reveals opportunities to reduce poverty and improve overall agricultural productivity and sustainability in these systems. Research in India and Pakistan has highlighted one such opportunity—integrated management of surface water and groundwater—that has great potential for water-short systems with variable groundwater resources. By considering groundwater availability and quality when allocating surface water, water managers could improve the situation of millions of poor farmers with inadequate access to both surface water and groundwater and overall productivity in irrigated systems. The prevailing fragmented approach—where groundwater and surface water are managed separately—has contributed to high vulnerability and low agricultural productivity for farmers in the tail ends of canals and to land salinization in areas with poor quality groundwater.

Policymakers and planners have tended to overlook artisanal fisheries—despite the fact that in rural areas, fisheries often contribute significantly to incomes and diets. An estimated 50 million people in developing countries derive income and food from inland fisheries. In locations as diverse as the Mekong, Amazon and Lake Chad basins, researchers found that rural households typically obtain 10 to 30 percent of their total income from inland fishing. And, particularly for poor households, fish is often the primary source of protein. Irrigation development and management can have direct and indirect impacts on fisheries. It can change flow patterns, size and connectivity of aquatic habitats, and water quality—affecting the productivity and diversity of fisheries. It can also change physical accessibility or rights of access to water bodies—affecting who is able to benefit from the resource. But, contrary to popular belief, fisheries can happily co-exist with irrigation systems - contributing to the overall productivity of systems and to livelihoods and food security of the surrounding communities. Recent research from Laos and Sri Lanka has shown that irrigation development can actually enhance fisheries production, with appropriate water management and policy support.

This issue of Water Policy Briefing is based on research presented in When ‘Conservation’ Leads to Land Degradation: Lessons from Ban Lak Sip, Laos (IWMI Research Report 91) by Guillaume Lestrelin, Mark Giordano and Bounmy Keohavong. The research was carried out by the Managing Soil Erosion Consortium (MSEC)—a multi-country collaborative effort to better understand land degradation, and potential solutions, in upland areas of Southeast Asia. MSEC is coordinated by IWMI with substantial contributions from France’s Institute of Research for Development (IRD). MSEC’s primary partner in Laos is the Soil Survey and Land Classification Center. Around the world, intensive farming in fragile environments is taking its toll on natural resources. This has led to greater awareness of the need to use agricultural land sustainably—to maximize yields without compromising the health and productivity of the soil. Laos’ current rural-development and land-use policies were influenced in part by exactly such an environmental agenda. However, a recent study has shown that land degradation has actually increased in the village of Ban Lak Sip since these policies were put in place. The study used an innovative multi-scale approach to analyze local land degradation in relation to Laos’ broader socioeconomic and political environment. This showed that new policies had created an artificial shortage of land—forcing farmers to crop more intensively, and inadvertently causing more degradation. conventional forms of scientific analysis would have identified the change in farming patterns as the cause of degradation. But, importantly, they would not have pinpointed why the change occurred—information which is vital if ways of resolving the problem are to be found. So, because of the analytical approach used, the case of Ban Lak Sip provides a cautionary lesson in the formulation of environmental policy. Policymakers need to carefully consider the impacts that conservation efforts will have on people’s livelihood strategies, if they are to avoid forcing communities to take up practices that increase environmental degradation. To this end, any environmental policy that imposes restrictions, especially on people’s livelihood activities, will need to offer new opportunities too.

IWMI-ADB Project

IWMI-ADB Project

IWMI-ADB Project. Pro poor Country brief

IWMI-ADB Project. Pro poor Country brief

IWMI-ADB Project. Pro poor executive summary

Based on research presented in “Institutional Alternatives in African Smallholder Irrigation: :Lessons from International Experience with Irrigation Management Transfer (IWMI Research Report 60)” by Tushaar Shah, Barbara van Koppen, Marna de Lange, Madar Samad, and Douglas Merrey. An international review of IMT experiences shows that for transfer to work, the irrigation system must be central to a wealth-creating agriculture within which IMT makes good economic sense to farmers. This is not the case in a majority of Africa’s smallholder schemes. Making IMT work in this context means addressing a number of challenges: smallholder dependency resulting from years of state intervention in farm operations and management, farmers’ inability to depend on irrigated agriculture as their primary income source, insecure land tenure arrangements, and lack of access to credit and input and output markets Current IMT strategies which focus on investments in capacity-building and infrastructure rehabilitation alone are destined to fail. For IMT to succeed, it must be accompanied by interventions that extend beyond the irrigation sector to significantly enhance African smallholder productivity and incomes. Potential avenues for accomplishing this include strengthening access to markets and credit, promoting high-value crops, improving systems for extension and technical support, making investments in smallholder technologies, clarifying land tenure arrangements, encouraging the development of farm equity schemes, and providing necessary supports through farmers’ associations.

Electricity subsidies for farmers are an expensive legacy of past development policies. The result is overuse of both energy and water in groundwater-irrigated agriculture—threatening the financial viability of the power sector and the future of the groundwater resource itself, along with the livelihoods of the millions who depend on it. The most popular solution is the metered tariff, promoted by international donors and many of India’s state governments. But metering is the ideal solution only if the cost of metering and billing 14 million scattered, small users in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh is ignored. Easier, more feasible and more beneficial in the short run in many parts of South Asia would be the use of a rational flat tariff, which avoids the transaction costs and strong farmer opposition associated with metering. The flat-tariff option has been ignored because, in its current incarnation, it has proved a complete failure. However, combined with intelligent power supply rationing, it is a logical, viable alternative which could cut wasteful groundwater use by 12-18 km3 per year in Western and Peninsular India alone. The approach would involve (1) gradually raising tariffs to cut power utility losses; (2) supplying farms with fewer hours of power per year, but ensuring a quality power supply during periods of moisture stress; and (3) metering at the feeder level to measure and monitor farm power use, to allow good management.

Based on research presented in the book “Water Productivity in Agriculture : Limits and Opportunities for Improvement” by J.W. Kijne, R. Barker and D. Molden. If current trends continue, the water crisis—which is already beginning to rear its head in many countries through depleted groundwater aquifers, dried-up rivers and wetlands, and frequent water shortages—will indeed become a global problem. A recent study by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) and the International Water Management Institute (IWMI) projects that if present trends continue, by 2025 competition from growing cities and industry worldwide will limit the amount of water available for irrigation, causing annual global losses of 350 million metric tons of food production - slightly more than the entire current U.S. grain crop. The environment will also sustain further damage, as water from this already thirsty sector is diverted to agriculture, households and industry. If levels of investment in sustainable water policy and management decrease over the next 20 years, the result will be major declines in food production and skyrocketing food prices. research done over the past decade shows that by improving the productivity of water on irrigated and rain-fed lands, we can have enough water for cities, industry and nature. But this requires a commitment to institutional and management reforms, and substantial investment in crop research, technology, and infrastructure.

Approaching the rehabilitation of the 50-100 year-old irrigation tanks—spread across Rajasthan, South Bihar, Madya Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, and other South Asian locations such as Sri Lanka—solely from an irrigation perspective, runs the risk of depriving communities of valuable socio-ecological services and functions that these structures provide today. These tanks may have become ‘inefficient’ in their original function of providing flow irrigation, but as they have degraded over time, they have evolved into valuable systems that support people’s livelihoods in a number of ways. In addition to storing water for crop irrigation, tanks provide services such as recharge of groundwater used by adjacent communities, fertile silted soil that allows cultivation of additional crops, fishing and aquaculture, water for raising livestock, and sand and soil used by small industries.

Based on research presented in “Urban-Wastewater Reuse for Crop Production in the Water-Short Guanajuato River Basin Mexico (IWMI) Research Report 41) by C. Scott, J.A. Zarazua and G. Levine; “Urban Wastewater: AValuable Resource for Agriculture: A Case Study from Haroonabad, Pakistan (IWMI Research Report 63)” by W. van der Hoek, M. Ul Hassan, J. Ensink, S. Feenstra, L. Rachid-Sally, S. Munir, R. Aslam, N. Ali, R. Hussain and Y. Matsuno: and “Use of Untreated Wastewater in Peri-Urban Agriculture in Pakistan: Risks and Opportunities (IWMI Research Report 64)” by K Ensink, W. van der Hoek, Y. Matsuno, S. Munir and R. Aslam.; In urban and peri-urban zones in developing countries, poor farmers commonly use nutrient-rich sewage and wastewater to irrigate high-value crops. In many places, this untreated wastewater is their only source of irrigation water—so their livelihoods depend on it. But, as well as bringing benefits, the unregulated use of wastewater also poses risks to human health and the environment. The prevailing “scientific” approach to wastewater irrigation advocates treatment before use and the implementation of strict regulations. But many developing countries can’t afford to build treatment facilities and do not have the resources to enforce regulations. There are other options, as IWMI research in Mexico and Pakistan demonstrates. Well-crafted policies on wastewater use have the potential to improve the incomes of poor urban and peri-urban farmers and reduce pollution of lakes, streams and aquifers. Continuing to turn a blind eye to wastewater use can result in higher incidences of disease among farmers and consumers and in irreversible degradation of the environment. Policymakers need to develop comprehensive strategies for managing wastewater tailored to local socioeconomic and environmental conditions and for analysis of the short- and long-term risks and benefits of all available options.

Driven largely by financial pressures, many governments are transferring full or partial management responsibility for irrigation systems from government agencies to farmers organized into Water User Associations (WUAs). In most cases, improving the situation of poor farmers has been a secondary aim of this reform. But there is increasing evidence that Irrigation Management Transfer (IMT) can actually negatively impact the situation of poor farmers—and, in extreme cases, can even cause the collapse of irrigation schemes. New research assessed two different IMT programs: The Gujarat Participatory Irrigation Management (PIM) program, one of the first IMT programs in India, and the Andhra Pradesh Farmers’ Management of Irrigation Systems (APFMIS) program, which with its sweeping reforms has served as an example worldwide. This research suggests that even if the IMT process contains all the right ingredients on paper—such as strong voting rights for farmers, irrespective of farm size—poor farmers are less informed on the whole about their rights and so tend to lose out on many of the potential benefits of IMT. The study showed that in both Gujarat and Andhra Pradesh poor farmers tended to participate more in the repair and rehabilitation work, while the larger farmers were more involved in the decision-making process—dominating the meetings and committees (see fig.1). To make IMT more pro-poor, and to ensure the viability of WUAs, which depend heavily on the labor contribution of small farmers, policy makers should take steps to ensure that poor farmers participate equally in decision-making processes. These steps include raising awareness and access to information, and making the election of WUA committees (which favor the village elite) more competitive and transparent. Monitoring participation in WUA activities and decision making against a reliable, and easily available indicator of poverty—farm size—is a key in evaluating equity trends over time.

Societies need forward-thinking knowledge institutions in the water sector to help them deal with the opportunities and crises that will arise in the future. India has some leading, high-performance knowledge institutions. But it also has many more that no longer deliver high-value thinking, insights or perspectives. Can these under-achieving institutions be transformed? How can the government, NGOs and international organizations design, build and maintain successful, highpotential institutions? Practical answers have been found in a recent review of 30 diverse Indian institutions. The review—part of an effort to improve institution-building in the water sector—found many traits that set the “winning” institutions apart from the poor performers. First, it is the quality of an institution’s design and launch that determines its ability to lead and to be recognized as a leader in the future. Second, good operative practices—with regard to human resources, fund-raising policy, management style and core products and services—ensure an environment where innovative thinkers can excel. The research argues that a) both these aspects are vital if an institute with high potential is to flourish and b) capital investment is necessary—but not sufficient—to achieve success. Finally, the study recommends a complete relaunch of under-achieving institutions, with new NGO staff and a fresh mandate.

Many people still believe that India’s irrigation water mainly comes from canal irrigation systems. While this may have been true in the past, recent research shows that groundwater irrigation has overtaken surface-water irrigation as the main supplier of water for India’s crops. Groundwater now sustains almost 60% of the country’s irrigated area. Even more importantly, groundwater now contributes more to agricultural wealth creation than any other irrigation source (see Fig. 1). groundwater use has increased largely because it is a democratic resource,’ available to any farmer who has access to a pump. Accessibility has led to widespread exploitation of the resource, by farmers grateful for a reliable irrigation-water source. In turn, this has led to high levels of groundwater use being associated with high population density. But it is a myth that groundwater use is high only where supplies are high. Such findings are worrying, because the consequences of overexploitation of this precious and productive resource can be catastrophic. The research highlighted in this briefing identifies four stages of groundwater development. To avert potential disaster and maximize benefits of groundwater as a force for poverty reduction, new policies are needed at each of these four stages. It is crucial that policymakers intervene at these critical stages to manage both the supply and demand aspects of groundwater use. Urgent priorities are areas with low supplies of renewable groundwater but alarmingly high groundwater use, such as Tamil Nadu, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Andra Pradesh, Karnataka, Punjab and Haryana.

The problems that river basin institutions in the developed world successfully address—such as pollution, sediment buildup in rivers and the degradation of wetlands—are not the top priorities for Indian policy makers and people. The items that do top Indian agendas—providing access to water for drinking and growing food, eradicating poverty, and stopping groundwater overexploitation—are either unresolved in the developed world or have become irrelevant due to economic development. This does not mean that India and other developing countries cannot learn valuable lessons from models for Integrated River Basin Management. Loosely structured River Basin Organizations, such as Southeast Asia’s Mekong Commission, can contribute to basin welfare by serving as a coordinating mechanism. They can facilitate dialogue and negotiation on resource allocation among organized stakeholders and representative bodies (such as national or state governments sharing a river basin). But River Basin Organizations by themselves cannot be expected to address the more fundamental issues that water sectors in India must contend with.

The State government has a vital role to play in developing groundwater resources to help improve the lot of the poorest people in eastern Indiaapos;s rural communities. Many States have tried to achieve this over the past 50 years through centrally planned public tube-well programs. Recently published research says that most of these efforts have failed to bring irrigation or improved livelihoods to the poor.; This research shows how policy makers can have a significant positive impact on poverty reduction by removing pump subsidies and opening pump markets to international competition. Subsidies and import restrictions have kept pump prices in India artificially inflated, by more than 35-45%, over those of neighbouring Pakistan and Bangladesh.; If a apos;shock therapyapos; approach of removing restrictions is too drastic or politically difficult, the next best option is to use market mechanisms to manage pump subsidy and loan programs for the poor. A good example of this approach is the jointly managed subsidy programs that have helped usher in eastern Indiaapos;s belated Green Revolution. Here local pump dealers are active participants in the management of pump subsidy programs, alongside government and nationalized banks. The examples of eastern Uttar Pradesh and north Bihar provide working models of such approaches.

Based on research presented in the technical paper “Artificial recharging of groundwater: An experiment in the Madhya Ganga Canal Project, India, by R. Sakthivadivel and A. S. Chawala